Baghdad. Nov 1 Dearest Father. I had a most Belloved letter from you dated Sep 22 about all my troubles with regard to letters. The whole matter has now been cleared up and does not, to say the least of it, redound to the credit of A.T. [Wilson] (a) the letter was in itself harmless (b) it had been read by him before it was posted (c) he complained of it without my knowledge (e) and when I asked him whether Edwin's telegram was due to any complaint of his, he implied that it was not. I have had an illumination of his character which I shall never forget, nor, I think, will Sir Percy. He could scarcely believe that AT's telegram had been sent unknown to me. But what I loved in you letter was your understanding of how much I had been troubled and your wish to comfort me whether I had been right or wrong. I feel that whatever might happen my family is a sure refuge, and I bless you all for it, more than I can tell you. Public life is very difficult, isn't it. Even if one does one's best to act with complete integrity, one can't avoid misconstruction of one's motives. I can only say that with Sir Percy I have no fear of that. We have had a very critical week but on the whole things are going as well as could be hoped. On Monday night the Naqib's letters and telegrams to the 18 people whom he invited to form the Council of State were prepared. That night I dined with Capt Clayton and to meet Ja'far Pasha. It was an amazing evening. Ja'far opened out like a flower, told us the whole Syrian story (to which we listened in shame and silence) and then discussed the whole Dair [Dayr az Zawr] episode and said that it had broken his heart. I told him that it had almost broken mine. He answered "It was worse for us, for our only hope was your support and here were the madmen on my side bent on alienating the sympathies of the English." We agreed that if there had been free intercouse between the Mesopotamian and Syrian administrations the whole miserable business might have been avoided (that was of course, what AT never would recognize.) He then described how he found the extreme Nationalists here as impossible to bring to reason as they had been in Syria. "I say to them, you want complete independence? So do I. Do we not each and all of us dream of a beautiful maiden, her age 14, her hair touching her waist? She does not exist! so complete independence under existing conditions is impossible." I said complete independence was what we ultimately wished to give. "My lady" he answered - we were speaking Arabic - "complete independence is never given; it is always taken" - a profound saying. "But because I believe in your honesty of purpose" he continued "I am ready to work with you for the salvation of my country - and when I go to my brothers to persuade them to help they turn aside and say 'You're English'". I said "It's your turn. For the last year when I spoke to my brothers they turned from me and said 'You're an Arab.'" Wasn't that a remarkable conversation? The man is an idealist, with a high purpose, animated by fervour for his race and his country. Another thing he said is worth recording. He was describing his journey up the Tigris. "I looked at the people on the banks of the river, clear eyed, clean limbed men and women, fallen through apathy and ignorance to the level of brutes. And I said to myself 'If my single desire is not to raise and enlighten them, may this ship sink under me.'" When we parted that evening I did not think he would refuse the Naqib's invitation, which reached him next morning, to join the cabinet as Minister for Defence. Nor did he. The first comer on Tuesday morning was Saiyid Talib, protesting that it was beneath his dignity to accept a secondary position even under the Naqib - he had been offered the Ministry of the Interior. Mr Philby and I between us got him persuaded that it was his duty to accept. He did so, but not without having done his level best to make us declare that he was second only to the Naqib, that if the latter fell sick or died he would step into his place and that in any case he would always be given the greatest honour and allowed a large personal bodyguard. We were scrupulously non-committal and turned him over to Sir Percy who treated his acceptance of the appointment as a matter of course. That day a number of acceptances came in. In the afternoon I gave a great tea party in my garden to Fahad Beg and the 'Aqail, Mr Philby, Capt. Clayton and the rest of us. It was really splendid. Fahad Beg sat and told tales of the desert and ended by opening his robes and showing us a huge hole in his breast formed by a lance thrust into his back in a youthful raid. "And I looked down and saw the head of the lance sticking out here." No one but an Arab of the desert could have recovered. His comment was "When we fought with lance and dagger I was a leader of raids, but Khatun I tell you, now that they fight with rifles, I prefer to remain in the tents." On Wednesday morning all seemed to be going well. In the afternoon Major Yetts and I went out sightseeing in Baghdad and on our way home dropped in to tea with the Tods. Mr Tod sprung upon us that he had called on Sasun Eff to congratulate him on his becoming Minister of Finance and found him with Hamdi Pasha Baban (who had been offered a seat in the Cabinet without portfolio,) both in the act of refusing. Mr Tod had done his best to persuade them but had heard in the afternoon that they had refused, the real, though not the expressed reason, being that they would not join a Cabinet which contained Saiyid Talib. While both were important, Sasun Eff was absolutely essential. His refusal would damn the Cabinet as a Talib ministry and doom it to failure from the outset. I left my cup of tea undrunk and rushed back to the office to tell Mr Philby. He wasn't there, but there was a light in Sir Percy's room. I went in and told him. He bade me go at once to Sasun Eff and charged me to make him change his mind. I set off feeling as if I carried the future of the 'Iraq in my hands, but when I got to Sasun's house to my immense relief I found Mr Philby and Capt Clayton already there. The Naqib had got Sasun's letter and had sent Mr Philby off post haste. I arrived, however, in the nick of time. They had exhausted all their arguments and Sasun still adhered to his decision. I think my immense anxiety must have inspired me for after an hour of concentrated argument he was visibly shaken, in spite of the fact that his brother Sha'al (whom I also admire and respect) came in and did his best against us. Finally however we persuaded him that Sir Percy had no desire to thrust Talib or anyone else upon Mesopotamia, but that Talib like everyone else must be given his chance. If he proved valuable he would take his part in the foundation of national institutions, if not he was politically a dead man. We got Sasun Eff to consent to think it over and to come and see Sir Percy next day. I had an inner conviction that the game was won - partly, thank heaven, to the relations of trust and confidence which I personally had already established with Sasun - but we none of us could feel sure. You will readily understand that I didn't sleep much that night. I turned and turned in my mind the arguments I had used and wondered if I could not have done better. Next morning, Thursday, Sasun Eff. came in at 10; I took him straight to Sir Percy and left them. Half an hour later, he returned and told me that he had accepted and I understood the full significance of the Nunc Dimittis. He asked me what he could now do to help and I sent him straight to the Naqib. The leading Shi'ah of Baghdad had also refused to join the Council and it was essential to get him in. In the midst of this talk Sir Percy sent for me. I left Sasun to Mr Philby and went to consult with Sir Percy. We agreed that I should send at once for Ja'far, tell him what had happened and bid him bestir himself. It was past one o'clock before I caught Ja'far. We had the most extraordinary conversation. He told me he had come into the Cabinet, only to defeat Talib, that he distrusted and loathed him and regarded it as shameful that he should be one of the leading persons of Mesopotamia. I said that the Mesopotamians themselves had made him, by their fear and their servility, and that it was for them to unmake him if they wished. We then discussed how to win over the extremists, I assured him that that was Sir Percy's chief desire and taking heart, he asked if he might talk to Sir Percy. I took him at once to Sir Percy and left them together, with the assured conviction that Sir Percy was the best exponent of his own policy. But on the whole, I think I never had such a morning. The net result is that so far only Hamdi Pasha Baban has refused, for the Naqib himself tackled the Shi'ah, 'Abdul Ghani Kubbah, and brought him to accept. No, one other, Hasan Eff. Pachahji, to whom the Ministry of Justice was offered, has declined. I always thought he would for he is an advocate with a very big practice which he doesn't want to give up. I'm sorry about Hamdi Pasha because he is a very strong Nationalist and those are the people we want to draw in, but we can't expect everything at once. After all these agitations Mr Philby and I felt we must have a little relaxation so we motored out to Karradah in the afternoon and walked through the gardens past Haji Naji's house. Another matter is perturbing us. Sir Percy brought out with him Mr Garbett who was formerly 1st Revenue Secretary, to be his Civil Secretary. Nothing has been done yet to divide the work among the officers of Sir Percy's own Secretariat and Mr Garbett is embarking on wild schemes of intelligence and propaganda which we all regard with the utmost mistrust. He has already made a grave error in Kadhimain [(Al Kazimiyah)] by employing an agent whom he brought out with him. This man has already got their backs rubbed up the wrong way. I've headed him off once and warned Mr Garbett that the Shi'ah question is a very difficult one and can't be touched by us. We must leave it to the Naqib and his council to draw them in. But Mr Garbett, knowing nothing of the extreme delicacy of the equilibrium, nothing about the individuals concerned and their characteristics and history (and very little of the Arabic tongue) was prepared to throw himself into places where we who know take care not to tread. I regard him as a real danger. But if Sir Percy makes me Oriental Secretary, as he had told Mr Philby he intends to do, I shall ask for Capt Clayton's help and then put up to H.E. that the whole business of intelligence, publicity and propaganda must be entrusted to us. I think and hope that Sir Percy will agree. This is private. On Saturday morning Mr Philby and I went to the Naqib. I had not seen him since he took office though we had exchanged most cordial letters. Mr Philby has been Sir Percy's go between with him and most excellently he has done it. We found the Naqib radiant, not only full of good sense but also full of the determination to run the show himself. His one wish is to work hand in hand with Sir Percy but he doesn't intend to let any other member of the Cabinet be Prime Minister, and I'm heartily glad of it. He sent a message to Sir Percy to say that whenever Mr Philby couldn't come he would like me to be Sir Percy's agent. He didn't, he said with great firmness, wish for Mr Garbett! "He is no doubt a very worthy man but I know Mr Philby and I know the Khatun. Come together whenever you like, but when Mr Philby can't come let it be the Khatun!" He stands out solidly against letting the leaders of the revolt back until the Arab Govt is firmly established. I believe he is quite right (it's also Sir Percy's view) but isn't it all the comfort in the world that it should come from the Naqib and not from us! Long life to the Arab Govt! Give them responsibility and make them settle their own affairs and they'll do it every time a thousand times better than we can. Moreover once they've got responsibility they'll realize the needs and the difficulties of government and they'll eliminate hot air in favour of good sense. Because they've got to run the show, and they can't run it on hot air. In the afternoon we went to an 'Aqail tea party in honour of Fahad whose presence in Baghdad leads to unprecedented social activity between us and the 'Aqail. Fahad was at his best and it was perfectly delightful. And I ended the day by giving a dinner party to Sasun Eff, Ja'far Pasha and 'Abdul Majid Shawi, with Mr Philby, Capt Clayton and to help. For I wanted to bring the first named 3 into touch with one another. It was immensely interesting. 'Abdul Majid told Ja'far the whole story of the origins of the tribal reBelllion. Ja'far, with great eloquence, pleaded the need of an immediate settlement with the insurgents. "The peasant must return to his plough and the shepherd to his flock. The blood of our people must cease to flow and the land must once more be rich with crops. Shall our tribes be wasted in battle and our towns die of starvation?" "Effendim, true" said 'Abdul Majid, "but do you know why it is that we can now hope to bring the tribes to submission? It is because they have seen the might of the British army." And Sasun Eff. agreed. But Ja'far is right too, and the first great work of the Council of State must be to bring about pacification. To this end, as Sasun justly observed, it would be well for the Naqib to summon to the Council a leading man from Karbala and Najaf [Najaf, An]. One of the difficulties is that all or nearly all the leading men of the Shi'ah towns are Persian subjects and must be made to adopt Mesopotamian nationality before they had take official positions in the Mesopotamian state. I think when this is realized there will be a rapid sorting out of the sheep and the goats. In the evening we talked of the Arab army. Under the terms of the mandate conscription may not be applied and Ja'far is beginning to wonder how he will get recruits - a difficult problem. Ja'far also described his efforts to get into touch with the holy element in Kadhimain. He had been to the great people - among others our friend Saiyid Hasan al Sadr - and tried to prove to them that the sole object of the provisional Council summoned by the Naqib was to lay the foundations of national institutions. But they would reply only that they wanted a government elected by the people and that nothing else was of any use. "But you can't hold a general election in a day" said Ja'far "we want to get to work at once." They offered no suggestions and remained obdurately hostile. "What did you say next?" I asked. "I was silent" he answered. That's the Shi'ah attitude and it's only their own countrymen - so far as Arabs can be called the country men of Persian divines - who will be able, very gradually, to bring them into line. Finally I hope a section will become definitely Arab and take a hand in the State; the rest will remain Persian, frondeurs, and those in the side of the Arab Govt, just as they were under British military occupation and Ottoman rule. By the way, talking of dinner parties, did I ever thank you for the beautiful cruet stands? You can't think how they grace my table. By the end of the week I was suffering from nervous exhaustion and I determined to get out of Baghdad for the whole of Sunday. So we arranged a picnic at Fahamah, a lovely garden about an hour up river by motor. Mr Philby and I, Marie and Zaiya, with Rishan and the lunch went out directly after breakfast. We left Marie and Zaiya to arrange the lunch in an empty house which is at present in our hands. It's a sequestrated estate and the heirs are in Constantinople [Istanbul]. We spent the morning in wandering about the orange and palm gardens watching the people gathering and packing dates and gossiping with them. I took Mr Philby to see a great friend of mine, Faiq Beg, who is a sort of Haji Naji on a higher social scale. He is a garden owner and we found him superintending the date harvest. So we sat down by the golden heaps of dates (Rishan scouting round and stealing from the heaps - he loves dates) while Faiq Beg told us his views and the talk he heard in Baghdad. It was not very favourable; he was extremely doubtful as to the ultimate success of the Naqib and had many criticisms to offer - all of which was very valuable to hear from a man as honest and disinterested as he. By this time it was lunch time and Faiq walked back with us along the river edge to the picnic house, for we were expecting Sir Percy. He and Lady Cox caught us up, and I had Sir P. out of the motor and introduced Faiq Beg who was much gratified. Capt Clayton, and Mr Cheeseman [i.e. Cheesman] had already turned up and Zaiya and Marie gave us an excellent lunch. Then we all went out after black partridge in the plantations on the edge of the desert. Lady Cox left us and went back to the house with a book when we began to beat through the thorns and thick grass. It was fearfully rough going, desert thorn and grass sometimes up to one's waist. It's the haunt of wild pig but though we saw their tracks we didn't put up any - I wasn't sorry, for to tumble unexpectedly onto a large boar would have been far from pleasant. We got some partridges however, and plenty of excercise [sic]. It was most enjoyable. It was 7 o'clock before Mr Philby and Marie and I got home and I went to bed feeling really tired in my body and rested in my mind. Today I spent most of the morning inspecting the Normal School and talking to all the teachers. Afterwards I went to call on the Qadhi, an old friend who is rapidly dying of paralysis. His mind is clear but he has great difficulty in talking. I'm afraid I may not see him again. I lunched with the Tods and heard from him that the whole town is praising Sir Percy's honesty of intentions. I believe if we go straight forward, listening to criticism but not being too much perturbed by it, we shall win through. But I also think that Saiyid Talib will go under. He is universally hated and mistrusted. Mr Philby, Capt Clayton and I went to tea with Shukri Alusi who is the most learned of the learned and a great recluse. I've told you about him before. It's an immense source of pride to me that I may go to his house whenever I like. We've been friends from the first. We found there his brother, Mustafa Alusi, ex-Qadhi of Mecca [Makkah] and Minister of Justice in the Naqib's Cabinet. He is also a great ally. There were a number of other people, some of them 'Aqail, for Shukri Alusi keeps in touch with Arabia and Ibn Sa'ud. I never feel so completely part of the East as I do in that house. Shukri Eff. was full of Sir Percy's praise and when I suggested that he should come and call on him he jumped at the idea, which is splendid, for he never goes to see anyone. So I must arrange a visit at once. I rather hope to see Shukri Shaikh al Islam for Mesopotamia. No one could fill the part better except his brother Mustafa perhaps. Oh, if we can pull this thing off! rope together the young hotheads, and the Shi'ah obscurantists, and enthusiasts like Ja'far, polished old statesmen like Sasun, and scholars like Shukri - if we can make them work together and find their own salvation for themselves, what a fine thing it will be. I see visions and dream dreams. But as we say in Arabic countless times a day "Through the presence of His Excellency the Representative of the King, and with the help of the Great Government, all please God, must be well!" As soon as the psychological moment comes I'm going to telegraph to you asking you to cable congratulations to the Naqib, which, in the middle of the coal strike, you may not think of doing. But he would like it so much. Oh dear! I wish I knew what is happening at home. My last news is a delightful letter from Mother (Sep 15) which arrived today. Ever your very affectionate daughter Gertrude I omitted to mention that the Council of State of the first Arab Govt in Mesopotamia since the Abbasids meets for the first time tomorrow.